What Is Christian Nationalism?
Christian nationalism is the belief that the United States was founded as a Christian nation and that the government should keep it that way, giving Christianity a favored place in law, schools, and public life. It rests on a religious form of American exceptionalism: the claim that God set this country apart for a purpose, and that its laws should say so.
Christian nationalism is a political movement, not a church or a denomination. It uses Christian language and identity to win government power. Sociologists Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry set the standard definition in Taking America Back for God. They call it a cultural framework that blurs the line between Christian identity and American identity.
Key facts
- 32% of Americans support Christian nationalism. Twice as many reject it (PRRI 2025, n=22,111).
- Support runs from 54% in Arkansas to 15% in Massachusetts.
- 30% of Adherents say patriots may have to use violence (PRRI 2025).
- Alliance Defending Freedom says it has won 15 Supreme Court cases and reported $101.8M in revenue for the year ending June 2023, its latest IRS filing with figures.
- Project Blitz wrote 20 model bills. Lawmakers introduced 76 matching bills in 2018 alone, Americans United counted.
Its roots go back decades, but the political machinery grew fast after 2010. Katherine Stewart mapped that network in The Power Worshippers (2020), calling it a political ideology rather than a religious creed.
The 32% figure is the one most often quoted, and on its own it misleads. PRRI sorts Americans into four groups, and the two that reject Christian nationalism outnumber the two that support it, two to one.
- Adherents (11%) Consistently agree the U.S. should be a Christian nation
- Sympathizers (21%) Lean toward it, but do not back every policy
- Skeptics (37%) Lean against it
- Rejecters (27%) Consistently disagree
- Did not answer (4%)
Source: PRRI 2025 American Values Atlas (n=22,111).
Support Runs From 54% in Arkansas to 15% in Massachusetts
The national average hides the thing that matters most to your daily life. In Arkansas, 54% of residents support Christian nationalism. In Massachusetts, 15% do. A Ten Commandments bill that dies in committee in one state passes in another, because the voters and the legislators are not the same.
Support for Christian Nationalism by State
- 45% or more
- 38-44%
- 30-37%
- Under 30%
Sources: PRRI 2025 American Values Atlas. Verified July 29, 2026.
| State | Support | Adherents | Sympathizers |
|---|---|---|---|
| Arkansas | 54% | 22% | 32% |
| Mississippi | 52% | 24% | 28% |
| West Virginia | 51% | 15% | 36% |
| Oklahoma | 49% | 25% | 24% |
| Wyoming | 46% | 21% | 25% |
| Louisiana | 44% | 20% | 24% |
| Missouri | 44% | 14% | 30% |
| Alaska | 42% | 13% | 29% |
| Georgia | 42% | 16% | 26% |
| North Dakota | 42% | 16% | 26% |
| South Dakota | 42% | 15% | 27% |
| Alabama | 41% | 15% | 26% |
| Montana | 41% | 13% | 28% |
| South Carolina | 41% | 16% | 25% |
| Idaho | 39% | 14% | 25% |
| Delaware | 38% | 16% | 22% |
| Nebraska | 38% | 11% | 27% |
| Texas | 38% | 14% | 24% |
| Florida | 37% | 13% | 24% |
| Kansas | 37% | 11% | 26% |
| Kentucky | 37% | 12% | 25% |
| Indiana | 37% | 12% | 25% |
| North Carolina | 36% | 13% | 23% |
| Tennessee | 36% | 14% | 22% |
| Ohio | 35% | 12% | 23% |
| District of Columbia | 34% | 15% | 19% |
| Pennsylvania | 34% | 11% | 23% |
| Michigan | 33% | 10% | 23% |
| Iowa | 32% | 12% | 20% |
| Wisconsin | 32% | 10% | 22% |
| Utah | 31% | 9% | 22% |
| Arizona | 30% | 10% | 20% |
| Maryland | 30% | 9% | 21% |
| New Mexico | 30% | 13% | 17% |
| Vermont | 30% | 10% | 20% |
| Virginia | 30% | 7% | 23% |
| Colorado | 29% | 7% | 22% |
| Hawaii | 29% | 9% | 20% |
| Maine | 28% | 8% | 20% |
| Minnesota | 28% | 8% | 20% |
| Connecticut | 27% | 9% | 18% |
| Illinois | 27% | 9% | 18% |
| New Hampshire | 27% | 7% | 20% |
| Rhode Island | 27% | 6% | 21% |
| Nevada | 25% | 6% | 19% |
| Oregon | 25% | 9% | 16% |
| California | 22% | 7% | 15% |
| New Jersey | 22% | 6% | 16% |
| New York | 21% | 5% | 16% |
| Washington | 18% | 3% | 15% |
| Massachusetts | 15% | 4% | 11% |
The map matches the political map, and PRRI measured how closely. The share of Republicans in a state legislature and the state’s level of Christian nationalism support track each other at a correlation of 0.75, which is strong for public opinion data. That is the practical reason the model bills described below succeed in some capitols and stall in others.
| Arkansas | 54% | 22% | 32% | Far above |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mississippi | 52% | 24% | 28% | Far above |
| West Virginia | 51% | 15% | 36% | Far above |
| Oklahoma | 49% | 25% | 24% | Far above |
| Wyoming | 46% | 21% | 25% | Far above |
| Louisiana | 44% | 20% | 24% | Above |
| Missouri | 44% | 14% | 30% | Above |
| Alaska | 42% | 13% | 29% | Above |
| Georgia | 42% | 16% | 26% | Above |
| North Dakota | 42% | 16% | 26% | Above |
| South Dakota | 42% | 15% | 27% | Above |
| Alabama | 41% | 15% | 26% | Above |
| Montana | 41% | 13% | 28% | Above |
| South Carolina | 41% | 16% | 25% | Above |
| Idaho | 39% | 14% | 25% | Above |
| Delaware | 38% | 16% | 22% | Above |
| Nebraska | 38% | 11% | 27% | Above |
| Texas | 38% | 14% | 24% | Above |
| Florida | 37% | 13% | 24% | Near average |
| Kansas | 37% | 11% | 26% | Near average |
| Kentucky | 37% | 12% | 25% | Near average |
| Indiana | 37% | 12% | 25% | Near average |
| North Carolina | 36% | 13% | 23% | Near average |
| Tennessee | 36% | 14% | 22% | Near average |
| Ohio | 35% | 12% | 23% | Near average |
| District of Columbia | 34% | 15% | 19% | Near average |
| Pennsylvania | 34% | 11% | 23% | Near average |
| Michigan | 33% | 10% | 23% | Near average |
| Iowa | 32% | 12% | 20% | Near average |
| Wisconsin | 32% | 10% | 22% | Near average |
| Utah | 31% | 9% | 22% | Near average |
| Arizona | 30% | 10% | 20% | Near average |
| Maryland | 30% | 9% | 21% | Near average |
| New Mexico | 30% | 13% | 17% | Near average |
| Vermont | 30% | 10% | 20% | Near average |
| Virginia | 30% | 7% | 23% | Near average |
| Colorado | 29% | 7% | 22% | Below |
| Hawaii | 29% | 9% | 20% | Below |
| Maine | 28% | 8% | 20% | Below |
| Minnesota | 28% | 8% | 20% | Below |
| Connecticut | 27% | 9% | 18% | Below |
| Illinois | 27% | 9% | 18% | Below |
| New Hampshire | 27% | 7% | 20% | Below |
| Rhode Island | 27% | 6% | 21% | Below |
| Nevada | 25% | 6% | 19% | Below |
| Oregon | 25% | 9% | 16% | Below |
| California | 22% | 7% | 15% | Below |
| New Jersey | 22% | 6% | 16% | Below |
| New York | 21% | 5% | 16% | Below |
| Washington | 18% | 3% | 15% | Below |
| Massachusetts | 15% | 4% | 11% | Below |
No states match. Clear the search or filter to see all 51.
Sources: PRRI 2025 American Values Atlas. Verified July 29, 2026.
The Seven Mountain Mandate
One theological framework behind parts of the movement is the Seven Mountain Mandate. It teaches that Christians have a divine obligation to take control of seven areas of society. Political Research Associates reports that it spread through Pentecostal churches in the 2000s by way of popular books, videos, sermons, and seminars, and it names the seven areas as family, religion, education, media, entertainment, business, and government.
PRRI’s Christian nationalism scale includes a version of the same idea: that God has called Christians to exercise dominion over all areas of American society. Because government is one of the seven areas, the framework treats political office as part of a religious mission.
The Seven Mountain Mandate and policies that match it
Source: The mountains and claims are the framework's; the policy examples are Resist Now's.
Why Scholars Call It White Christian Nationalism
Most researchers who study the movement do not call it Christian nationalism. They call it white Christian nationalism, and the extra word is doing real work.
The survey data is the plainest evidence. 67% of white evangelical Protestants support Christian nationalism, more than any other religious group. White Christians overall (46%) support it at a higher rate than Christians of color (39%).
Support also rises with church attendance. In PRRI’s 2025 survey, 54% of Americans who attend services weekly or more are Adherents or Sympathizers, against 20% of those who seldom or never go. Among weekly churchgoers, white Americans (58%) support it more than Black (50%) or Hispanic (48%) Americans.
Hispanic Protestants (54%) are the second group where a majority hold these beliefs, which is why “white” describes the movement’s center of gravity rather than the whole of it. It is also a separate movement from white nationalism, though the two can overlap.
Philip Gorski and Samuel Perry, who wrote The Flag and the Cross, argue the ideology tells a story about who the country belongs to. In that story the nation was founded by and for a particular people, and its decline is the fault of outsiders. Sociologist Bart Bonikowski describes the movement as nostalgic and exclusionary, casting the country as something to be taken back by its rightful owners.
Naming the racial pattern is not the same as calling supporters racist. It is a finding about who supports the ideology most, as PRRI measured it.
From the Moral Majority to January 6
The arc runs half a century. Rushdoony laid out the theology in 1973, Falwell built the first mass organization in 1979, and Reagan courted it openly in 1980. Robertson organized it precinct by precinct from 1989, Bush opened a White House faith office in 2001, and the Tea Party wave of 2010 reshaped statehouses. Trump won 81% of white evangelicals in 2016, rioters prayed inside the Capitol on January 6, 2021, Heritage published Project 2025 in 2024, and an executive order on “anti-Christian bias” followed in 2025.
- Rushdoony publishes dominionist blueprint Institutes of Biblical Law argues Old Testament should govern civil society
- Falwell founds the Moral Majority First mass political organizing of white evangelicals
- Reagan addresses Religious Roundtable "I know you can't endorse me, but I endorse you."
- Robertson founds Christian Coalition Builds precinct-level organizing in all 50 states after losing 1988 primary
- Bush creates Office of Faith-Based Initiatives Federal funding begins flowing to religious organizations
- Tea Party wave elects 87 new House members Economic populism merges with cultural conservatism at state level
- Trump wins 81% of white evangelical vote Lance Wallnau calls Trump a "wrecking ball to the spirit of political correctness"
- Crosses and prayer at the Capitol on January 6 Rioters carried Christian flags, sang hymns, prayed inside the Senate chamber
- Heritage Foundation publishes Project 2025 900-page blueprint with 140+ authors, multiple Christian nationalist policy goals
- EO "Eradicating Anti-Christian Bias" signed Executive branch directs all agencies to address alleged anti-Christian discrimination
: 1973: Rushdoony publishes dominionist blueprint (Institutes of Biblical Law argues Old Testament should govern civil society). 1979: Falwell founds the Moral Majority (First mass political organizing of white evangelicals). 1980: Reagan addresses Religious Roundtable ("I know you can't endorse me, but I endorse you."). 1989: Robertson founds Christian Coalition (Builds precinct-level organizing in all 50 states after losing 1988 primary). 2001: Bush creates Office of Faith-Based Initiatives (Federal funding begins flowing to religious organizations). 2010: Tea Party wave elects 87 new House members (Economic populism merges with cultural conservatism at state level). 2016: Trump wins 81% of white evangelical vote (Lance Wallnau calls Trump a "wrecking ball to the spirit of political correctness"). 2021: Crosses and prayer at the Capitol on January 6 (Rioters carried Christian flags, sang hymns, prayed inside the Senate chamber). 2024: Heritage Foundation publishes Project 2025 (900-page blueprint with 140+ authors, multiple Christian nationalist policy goals). 2025: EO "Eradicating Anti-Christian Bias" signed (Executive branch directs all agencies to address alleged anti-Christian discrimination).
1973: R.J. Rushdoony published Institutes of Biblical Law, arguing that Old Testament law should govern modern civil society. He called this theonomy, meaning rule by divine law, and the book became the foundation of Christian Reconstructionism and dominion theology. Almost no one in the movement uses the word today, but the goal of a Christian state governed by biblical law traces back to it.
1979: Jerry Falwell founded the Moral Majority with direct encouragement from conservative political operatives Paul Weyrich and Richard Viguerie. It registered an estimated 2 million new voters before its first election cycle. This is the era that gave the Christian right its name, and its leaders spoke openly of restoring a lost Christendom.
1980: Ronald Reagan told the Religious Roundtable in Dallas, “I know you can’t endorse me, but I endorse you.” The Republican Party’s alliance with organized Christian conservatism became permanent.
1989: Pat Robertson, after losing the 1988 presidential primary, channeled his donor list into the Christian Coalition. Under Ralph Reed, it built precinct-level organizing in all 50 states and became the most powerful grassroots force in Republican politics through the 1990s.
2001: George W. Bush created the White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives, opening federal funding streams to religious organizations.
2010: The Tea Party wave elected 87 new House members. Republicans also won control of many state legislatures that year.
2016: Donald Trump won 81% of white evangelical voters, the highest share ever recorded. Pastor Lance Wallnau had described Trump as a “King Cyrus” figure, a flawed leader he said God had chosen to advance a divine agenda.
2021: On January 6, rioters at the U.S. Capitol carried wooden crosses, waved Christian flags, and prayed inside the Senate chamber on camera.
2024: The Heritage Foundation published Project 2025, a 900-page policy blueprint assembled by more than 140 authors. It called for closing the Department of Education and widening religious exemptions in federal hiring.
Who Funds the Movement’s Legal and Policy Groups
The movement’s legal and policy groups are funded by foundations and donors, and much of the money moves through donor-advised funds that keep givers’ names off the recipients’ tax filings. The groups litigate in courts, draft model bills for state legislatures, and staff federal appointments.
- Donor-advised fund National Christian Foundation $2.4B in revenue in 2022 (IRS 990). ↓ $56.1M to 23 SPLC-designated hate groups (2015-2017 filings)
- Litigation arm Alliance Defending Freedom $101.8M in revenue, year ending June 2023. SPLC-designated hate group. ↓ Files cases targeting
- Judicial system Federal and state courts 15 Supreme Court wins, by ADF's count. ↓ Rulings reshape
- Outcome Religious liberty doctrine Lemon Test set aside. Public prayer by a coach upheld. A designer may refuse a same-sex wedding website.
Source: IRS 990 filings, Sludge, ADF annual reports
How donor money becomes law: National Christian Foundation ($2.4B in revenue in 2022 (IRS 990).), $56.1M to 23 SPLC-designated hate groups (2015-2017 filings), Alliance Defending Freedom ($101.8M in revenue, year ending June 2023. SPLC-designated hate group.), Files cases targeting, Federal and state courts (15 Supreme Court wins, by ADF's count.), Rulings reshape, Religious liberty doctrine (Lemon Test set aside. Public prayer by a coach upheld. A designer may refuse a same-sex wedding website.)
The National Christian Foundation, which Sludge called America’s biggest Christian charity, is one of the largest sources. It operates as a donor-advised fund, meaning individual donors give to NCF, which then distributes to recipient organizations. The donor’s name never appears on the recipient’s tax filings. A Sludge investigation of NCF’s 2015-2017 tax filings found it passed $56.1 million to 23 organizations the SPLC designates as hate groups.
The Heritage Foundation reported $106.3 million in revenue for 2022, its latest IRS filing with figures (ProPublica), and produced Project 2025, the 900-page blueprint for reshaping the federal government.
Heritage and ADF each take in more than $100 million a year.
| Category | Value |
|---|---|
| Heritage Foundation, 2022 | $106.3M |
| Alliance Defending Freedom, year ending June 2023 | $101.8M |
Source: IRS Form 990 filings as extracted by ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer, the latest years with figures (read October 3, 2026).
How ADF Reshaped the Courts
The legal arm of the movement has reshaped how courts interpret the First Amendment. Alliance Defending Freedom filed the cases. The Federalist Society staffed the bench. Together they replaced the legal standard that governed church-state separation for 51 years.
| Period | Value |
|---|---|
| 1971-2022 (Lemon Test) | 3-part test: secular purpose, primary effect, no entanglement |
| 2022-present (Kennedy v. Bremerton) | 'Historical practices and understandings' standard |
| Change | 51 years of precedent overturned |
The Lemon Test required government actions to have a secular purpose, not advance or inhibit religion, and avoid excessive entanglement with religion. In Kennedy v. Bremerton School District (2022), the Court threw it out. The new question is whether an action fits “historical practices and understandings.”
ADF says it has won 15 Supreme Court cases. In 303 Creative v. Elenis (2023), the Court ruled that a website designer could refuse to serve same-sex couples. The New Republic later reported that a man named in a website request cited in the case said he never sent it; the Court decided the case on free speech grounds. The ruling left marriage rights for same-sex couples in place.
The Federalist Society helped build the bench these cases land on. All three justices Trump appointed in his first term, Gorsuch, Kavanaugh and Barrett, came from lists drawn up with the group’s leaders.
- Lemon Test established
- Greece v. Galloway upheld legislative prayer
- Kennedy sets aside the Lemon Test
- 303 Creative
- Texas Ten Commandments law upheld
: 1971: Lemon Test established (3-part test for church-state cases). 2014: Greece v. Galloway upheld legislative prayer (Town board Christian prayers ruled constitutional). 2022: Kennedy sets aside the Lemon Test ("Historical practices" replaces it). 2023: 303 Creative (Right to refuse LGBTQ customers). 2026: Texas Ten Commandments law upheld (Full Fifth Circuit, 9-8, April 21).
Project Blitz Model Bills in State Legislatures
The legal strategy gets cases to court. A parallel legislative strategy pushes model bills into state legislatures. The most organized effort was Project Blitz, a campaign by the Congressional Prayer Caucus Foundation whose 2017 manual listed 20 model bills for state lawmakers, Religion News Service reported in 2018.
Project Blitz organized its bills into three tiers, each designed to build on the last.
Project Blitz model legislation, organized by tier
Source: Religion News Service, July 2, 2018; Americans United; Movement Advancement Project, read October 3, 2026
Tier 1 bills, such as “In God We Trust” displays, draw little opposition. Americans United, which tracks the campaign, reports that the playbook orders its bills from least to most controversial, so early votes build support for later ones.
Texas is the clearest test case. Its law requires a Ten Commandments display in every public school classroom. A federal district judge blocked it in 2025. The full Fifth Circuit upheld the law 9-8 on April 21, 2026, and the displays are going up. On August 17, 2026, Texas families asked the Supreme Court to hear the case. Louisiana’s similar law took effect after the full Fifth Circuit threw out the challenge in February 2026, ruling it was filed too early. Arkansas passed one that a federal judge blocked in March 2026. Alabama’s took effect October 1, 2026.
Ten Commandments in Public Schools
- Required by state law
- Passed, blocked by courts
- Allowed, not required
- No law
Sources: state legislatures, Texas Tribune, ACLU
| State | Status | Detail |
|---|---|---|
| Texas | SB 10 upheld by the full Fifth Circuit, April 21, 2026; Supreme Court petition filed August 17 | Ten Commandments required in every public school classroom |
| Alabama | Passed in 2026, in effect since October 1, 2026 | Ten Commandments displays required in public schools |
| Louisiana | HB 71 in effect since February 2026 | The full Fifth Circuit ruled 11-7 that the challenge was premature and vacated the injunction |
| Tennessee | Public Chapter 924 in effect since July 1, 2026 | Lets school boards display the Ten Commandments beside founding documents. At least five districts voted to do so by August 2026, WSMV and KFVS reported. |
| Arkansas | Permanently blocked in six school districts, March 2026 | A federal judge ruled Act 573 unconstitutional. The Eighth Circuit heard the state's appeal on September 22, 2026. |
| Alaska | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Arizona | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| California | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Colorado | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Connecticut | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Delaware | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Florida | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Georgia | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Hawaii | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Idaho | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Illinois | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Indiana | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Iowa | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Kansas | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Kentucky | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Maine | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Maryland | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Massachusetts | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Michigan | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Minnesota | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Mississippi | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Missouri | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Montana | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Nebraska | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Nevada | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| New Hampshire | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| New Jersey | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| New Mexico | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| New York | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| North Carolina | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| North Dakota | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Ohio | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Oklahoma | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Oregon | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Pennsylvania | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Rhode Island | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| South Carolina | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| South Dakota | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Utah | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Vermont | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Virginia | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Washington | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| West Virginia | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Wisconsin | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| Wyoming | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
| District of Columbia | No Ten Commandments classroom display law | No legislation requiring religious displays in public school classrooms |
School vouchers are the movement’s largest funding victory. The 2025 budget law created the first federal tax credit for private school scholarships, with no annual cap, starting in 2027. Religious schools can take part: in Carson v. Makin (2022), the Supreme Court barred states from excluding them from programs like these.
As of April 30, 2026, 18 states had enacted private school choice programs that cover all or most students, or will once they phase in (Ballotpedia).
Federal and State Actions, 2025-2026
Every piece described above operated outside the federal executive branch. In 2025, the movement gained direct access to executive power for the first time.
Executive Order 14202, “Eradicating Anti-Christian Bias,” was signed in February 2025. It directs every federal agency to identify and reverse policies that allegedly discriminate against Christians.
The order does not define anti-Christian bias. It gives political appointees the authority to change enforcement priorities across the entire federal government based on a religious framework.
Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, second in the line of presidential succession, displayed the Appeal to Heaven flag outside his Capitol office in 2023, Raw Story reported, citing Rolling Stone. The Revolutionary War banner has been adopted by the New Apostolic Reformation, the network that popularized the Seven Mountain Mandate.
The White House Faith Office expanded under Paula White-Cain, moving from a community liaison role to policy coordination. The president said publicly that America should “forget about” the separation of church and state. Vice President JD Vance told a Turning Point USA audience on December 21, 2025, “We have been, and by the grace of God, we always will be a Christian nation.”
In May 2025, Trump created a Religious Liberty Commission by executive order and named Texas Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick its chair. The order set the commission to end on July 4, 2026 unless the president extended it, and it held its eighth public meeting on August 17, 2026.
The Department of Education issued new prayer guidance in February 2026 saying a teacher may pray where students can join, such as saying grace before lunch, but may not direct or pressure students to pray. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth began holding monthly prayer services at the Pentagon in 2025, and in February 2026 Doug Wilson, an Idaho pastor who calls himself a Christian nationalist, preached at one. On May 17, 2026, the administration hosted Rededicate 250, a prayer rally on the National Mall timed to the nation’s 250th anniversary.
State legislatures considered 1,022 bills aimed at transgender people in 2025, a sixth straight record (Trans Legislation Tracker). Many cite religious freedom.
- 1
- executive order targeting "anti-Christian bias" across all agencies
- 18
- states with private school choice programs that cover all or most students, or will (April 30, 2026)
- 1,022
- bills aimed at transgender people considered in 2025
Your Kid’s School, Your Neighbor’s Rights
The executive orders and court rulings are not abstract. They change what your children learn, which neighbors have legal protections, and who gets to claim taxpayer dollars.
In schools, the policies stack: Ten Commandments displays, chaplains in student support roles, Bible lessons, and vouchers that send public money to religious schools that can turn students away.
Texas lets school districts use chaplains in student support roles. In June 2024, Oklahoma’s then-superintendent Ryan Walters ordered public schools to teach from the Bible.
The American Library Association tracked 713 censorship attempts in 2025, many aimed at books with LGBTQ characters or sexual health content.
A Jewish student in a Texas classroom now sits under a Christian religious display required by state law, and Alabama’s law has applied since October 1. The posted text is a Protestant version of the Ten Commandments, not the Torah’s or another faith’s.
For religious minorities, the risks are measured in harassment and attacks. The ADL counted 9,354 antisemitic incidents in 2024, the most since it began tracking in 1979.
The First Amendment’s answer is religious pluralism: the government favors no faith, so every faith, and no faith, stands equal before the law.
For LGBTQ Americans, religious freedom is now the legal frame for most anti-LGBTQ bills. 26 states banned youth gender-affirming care. 16 states let licensed child welfare agencies refuse to place children with LGBTQ families for religious reasons (Movement Advancement Project, October 2026). In March 2026 the Supreme Court ruled that Colorado’s conversion therapy ban, as applied to talk therapy, regulates speech by viewpoint, and sent the case back. See our anti-LGBTQ movement explainer for the full picture.
In reproductive rights, the merger of religion and law is explicit. Missouri’s 2019 abortion statute invoked “Almighty God” in its text.
Hungary and Poland Tried This
The merger of religious or ethnic nationalism with government power is not unique to the United States. Four recent examples show both how far the strategy can go and where it breaks down.
Religious and ethno-nationalist governance in four countries
Source: Reporters Without Borders, Hungary page; Fundamental Law of Hungary; Hungary's National Election Office; Poland's Constitutional Tribunal (K 1/20), electoral commission and government site; Brazil's Chamber of Deputies caucus registry (2023)
Hungary and Poland are the closest parallels. Both ruling parties held power for years and then lost it at the ballot box, PiS in 2023 after 8 years and Fidesz in 2026 after 16. Under Orbán, Hungary fell to 68th of 180 countries in Reporters Without Borders’ 2025 press freedom index. RSF reports that oligarchs with close ties to Fidesz bought up outlets until their group controlled 80% of the country’s media.
Both cases show elections can reverse these governments, after years in power.
What the Next Decade Looks Like
The biggest changes do not depend on the next election. Federal judges serve for life, and Trump’s appointees will sit for decades. The Supreme Court’s replacement of the Lemon Test with “historical practices” applies to every future church-state case. These judges will be ruling in 2050.
Pending cases could widen these rulings. Texas families have asked the Supreme Court to hear the Ten Commandments case, and the Court has not said whether it will. If the Court upholds the law, other states could pass similar ones.
ADF’s approach is to bring cases in chosen courts, build favorable precedent, and take the strongest case to the Supreme Court, where it counts 15 wins.
At the state level, the Project Blitz playbook moves from displays to Bible courses to religious exemptions from civil rights laws. The voucher expansion sends more public money to private schools, including religious schools that can set their own admission rules.
The new federal tax credit has no annual cap, so how much money it moves to private schools will depend on how many states opt in and how much people donate.
50,000 Christians Signed Against It
Some of the most visible opposition to Christian nationalism comes from Christians themselves. 50,000+ people across 72+ denominations have signed the Christians Against Christian Nationalism declaration, which says Christian nationalism “often overlaps with and provides cover for white supremacy and racial subjugation.”
Named critics within evangelical and conservative Christian circles have been among the most pointed voices.
“Christian nationalism is a liberation theology for white people. And that’s not the gospel of Jesus Christ.”
Russell Moore, former president of the Southern Baptist Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission, in his October 2022 Christianity Today essay “Christian Nationalism Cannot Save the World” (quoted by Anxious Bench)
Moore left his Southern Baptist post in 2021, and letters he wrote, reported by The New York Times, accused denominational leaders of mishandling sexual abuse claims.
David French, a conservative Christian writer and former religious liberty litigator, wrote that Christian nationalism is “not a model of national renewal. It’s a blueprint for corruption, brutality, and oppression” (Americans United on his New York Times column). Historian Kristin Kobes Du Mez argues in Jesus and John Wayne that white evangelical ideas about masculinity helped pave the way for the movement.
The denominational opposition is broad. The Episcopal Church passed a 2024 resolution to “Combat Rising Religious Nationalism.” The ELCA adopted a 2025 Social Statement on Civic Life and Faith.
The United Methodist Church, PCUSA, Disciples of Christ, and Mennonite Church USA have all issued formal statements opposing Christian nationalism.
Organizations fighting this
These organizations work on church-state separation from different angles. Supporting any of them puts resources behind the legal, educational, and organizing work that counters the movement.
- Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty runs Christians Against Christian Nationalism and the Faith Freedom Fund, which provides legal help to people whose religious freedom is violated by government-imposed Christianity. They organize church-based study groups for congregations that want to understand and counter the ideology from within their own communities.
- Americans United for Separation of Church and State litigates church-state cases and tracks Project Blitz legislation state by state. Its reporting on Project Blitz follows the campaign since it renamed itself and removed its playbook from the web.
- Freedom From Religion Foundation files lawsuits challenging government-sponsored religion and operates a legal hotline for people who encounter religious coercion in schools or government.
- ADL (Anti-Defamation League) tracks hate incidents against religious minorities and publishes the annual audit of antisemitic incidents.
- ACLU challenges Ten Commandments laws, voucher programs, and religious exemptions that override civil rights protections.
Faith vs. Nationalism
Christian nationalism is not Christianity. Confusing the two helps the movement and harms people of faith who reject its politics.
- Personal faith is not Christian nationalism. Attending church, praying, reading the Bible, and believing in God have nothing to do with the political ideology. Most American Christians do not support Christian nationalism.
- Patriotism is not Christian nationalism. Loving your country does not require merging government with a particular religion. The Founders wrote the Establishment Clause specifically to prevent that merger.
- Devout faith does not make someone a Christian nationalist. Support rises with church attendance, but in PRRI’s 2025 survey, 46% of Americans who attend services weekly are Skeptics or Rejecters.
- The 32% who support Christian nationalism are not a monolith. PRRI distinguishes between Adherents (11%) and Sympathizers (21%). Adherents hold strong views. Many Sympathizers express general agreement that America should be a “Christian nation” but do not endorse specific policies or political violence.
- Many Christian critics say it harms their faith. Russell Moore and David French, both conservative Christians, argue that tying the faith to political power, and to authoritarianism, damages the faith’s credibility.
| Category | Value |
|---|---|
| Adherents (11% of pop.) | 30% |
| Sympathizers (21%) | 23% |
| Skeptics (37%) | 14% |
| Rejecters (27%) | 11% |
% agreeing 'true American patriots may have to resort to violence.' Source: PRRI 2025 (n=22,111)
Support for political violence rises with support for Christian nationalism. 30% of Adherents agree that patriots may have to resort to violence, against 11% of Rejecters.
How to Recognize It and What to Say
Christian nationalist arguments often use language that sounds patriotic or faith-affirming. Knowing the common phrases helps at a school board meeting, a family dinner, or in a political speech.
The phrases and what they mean
Common Christian nationalist rhetoric and what it advances
Having the conversation
Most people who express sympathy for Christian nationalism do not back every policy. PRRI found that 21% of Americans are Sympathizers who agree generally that America should be “Christian” but do not endorse specific policies like Ten Commandments mandates or political violence. The conversation is different depending on who you are talking to.
With a Sympathizer (someone who agrees “America is a Christian nation” but has not thought deeply about the policy implications):
- Ask what they mean specifically. “Do you mean the values, or do you mean the government should make laws based on the Bible?” Most Sympathizers mean the values.
- Separate faith from law. Nearly half of weekly churchgoers reject Christian nationalism in PRRI’s 2025 survey, so devout faith does not require it.
- Name a specific policy. “Did you know Texas requires the Ten Commandments in every classroom? Do you want the government deciding which religion your kids see on the wall?”
With an Adherent (someone who openly endorses Christian governance):
- Do not debate theology. Adherents have a theological framework that reinforces itself. Engage on the practical outcomes.
- Name the money. “Alliance Defending Freedom took in $101.8 million in its 2023 fiscal year, and the SPLC designates it a hate group. Do you want that group writing your state’s laws?”
- Name the stakes. “The ADL counted 9,354 antisemitic incidents in 2024, a record. Jewish families pay attention when the government picks a religion.”
With a family member:
- Start with shared values. “We both believe in freedom of religion. The question is whether the government should pick which religion.”
- Ask questions instead of making arguments. “If a Muslim majority passed laws requiring Quran verses in every classroom, would you support that?” The principle is the same.
- Send them the PRRI data. Numbers from a nonpartisan research institute land differently than political arguments.
Frequently Asked Questions
Is the United States a Christian nation?
No. The Constitution does not mention God or Christianity. The First Amendment prohibits government establishment of religion. The Treaty of Tripoli settles it plainly. President John Adams signed it in 1797 and the Senate ratified it without a single no vote. Its text says the government “is not, in any sense, founded on the Christian religion.” The Founders included devout Christians, Deists, and skeptics. They kept religion out of the governing document on purpose.
Is Christian nationalism biblical?
Many Christians argue it is not. More than 50,000 have signed the Christians Against Christian Nationalism statement, which calls it “a distortion of the gospel of Jesus.” In the New Testament, Jesus says “My kingdom is not of this world” (John 18:36) and “Render therefore unto Caesar the things which are Caesar’s; and unto God the things that are God’s” (Matthew 22:21). Roger Williams, who founded Rhode Island and the first Baptist church in America, called for a “wall or hedge of separation” between the church and the secular world.
What is the Seven Mountain Mandate?
A framework that teaches Christians must take control of seven areas of society: family, religion, education, media, entertainment, business, and government. Political Research Associates reports that it spread through books, sermons, and seminars in the 2000s. Because government is one of the seven, the framework treats political office as part of a religious mission.
What is the difference between Christianity and Christian nationalism?
Christianity is a religion with diverse denominations, theologies, and political views. Christian nationalism is a political ideology that uses Christian identity and language to pursue government power. In PRRI’s 2025 survey, 46% of Americans who attend services weekly are Skeptics or Rejecters, so devout faith and Christian nationalism are not the same thing.
What you can do
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Tell your senators and representative to oppose Executive Order 14202. Name the order and ask for a specific vote against using executive power to favor one religion in federal agencies. Use the letter and call script below.
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Demand nondiscrimination requirements for voucher schools. Public money flows to private schools that can reject students and fire teachers based on religion. Contact your representative and ask them to condition voucher funding on compliance with federal civil rights law.
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Show up at your school board. Ten Commandments displays, chaplain programs, and Bible curriculum proposals start at the local level. Check your district’s board agenda. When these items appear, attend the meeting, speak during public comment, and bring neighbors. Five people in a room carry more weight than 500 emails.
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Donate to or volunteer with organizations fighting this. The Baptist Joint Committee runs Christians Against Christian Nationalism and provides legal assistance to people facing government-imposed religion. Americans United tracks Project Blitz legislation in your state. The FFRF operates a legal hotline for anyone encountering religious coercion in schools or government. The ACLU challenges Ten Commandments laws, voucher programs, and religious exemptions.
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Track the money. Search your state legislators’ donors at FollowTheMoney.org. If ADF, Heritage Foundation, or CPCF affiliates are funding your representatives, you know which model bills are coming next.
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Vote in primary elections. Primaries decide many school board, legislative and judicial seats, and only 21% of eligible voters take part in them.
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Have the conversation. Use the PRRI data and the phrases table above. Most Sympathizers have not thought through the policy implications. A specific question (“Do you want the government deciding which religion your kids see?”) lands harder than a political argument.
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Write your representative about defending the separation of church and state. Use the letter below.